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Christchurch and the Religion of Peace Strikes Again

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Introduction

Over two billion people in the world place as Muslims (World Population Review 2019) with 57,276 residing in New Zealand (Stats NZ 2018 demography). Like all groups of people, Muslims are diverse. Yet media inquiry on Islam and Muslims in New Zealand showed that the faith and its followers take been misrepresented as homogenous and typified every bit exclusively terror-decumbent and a danger to civil society (Eid 2014; Terzis 2016; Rahman and Emadi 2018). This misrepresentation tended to correspond with international news that was recycled for local consumption.

The normalisation of Islam and Muslims equally a faith that preaches trigger-happy acts is unsafe, worrying and painful for those who identify as Muslims. The Christchurch assault on Muslim worshippers on xv March 2019 is a tragic event of one person's irrational hatred born out of misconceptions.

Similar all grouping identities, the Muslim identity is shaped by the concept of self and external attributions. Reinforced negative public perception of a group'south identity has both personal and social consequences. With discrimination, alienation, simulated media representations and Islamophobia, the Muslim person's identity is consistently impacted in a negative style.

For Muslims in socially networked environments, news stories about Muslims are probable to be accessed through social media newsfeeds. Whether pushed through algorithms or shared networks, these stories contribute to public perception of the Muslim identity. To understand the media's treatment of Muslims after the Christchurch attacks, twelve news stories nigh Muslims from social media were analysed using Islamic and intercultural theories. The treatment of Muslims every bit a minority group is non unlike other marginalised minorities. Negatively targeted by the media of a ascendant culture, Muslims suffer normalised corruption, bigotry and oppression (OnePath Network 2017).

To uphold social justice in a democratic club, commonage social action is needed to address minority concerns. But New Zealand has had a colonial history of racism, discrimination and marginalising minorities and these negative treatments appear to exist normalised and continue to be an issue (Anae et al. 2015; Ng 2017; Reid et al. 2018).

The normalised abuse of people from an indigenous, religious or cultural groundwork, supported and enforced past society and its institutions is known as systemic oppression. A related concept is structural discrimination. This refers to institutionalised prejudice against a people that results in limiting their opportunities such every bit racial profiling past security and constabulary enforcement agencies. It is important to recognise the negative handling of minorities by and large and empathize how this extends to the oppression and discrimination faced by Muslims in New Zealand.

Oppression of minority groups

Historically, Māori have suffered marginalisation and oppression by the dominant European culture represented by the government or the crown. Oppression means the absence of fair treatment and it thrives on the humiliation and subjugation of people who are considered inferior by virtue of being dissimilar from the mainstream grouping, culturally or ethnically. Discrimination confronting Māori and the stealing of their lands and sovereignty have been well documented (Ministry of Culture and Heritage n.d.). The colonialist mentality also saw the dominating race as superior and systematically imposed their way of thinking and learning.

After the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, there were several unethical practices committed past the Crown including taking and condoning questionable purchases of Māori lands and disregarding Māori input in areas of governance that involved community interests (New Zealand History north.d.; New Zealand Parliament 2014). However, since New Zealand attained its citizenship status in 1948, the government has consciously worked on 'assimilation and integration' of a bicultural Māori – Pākehā (European New Zealanders) society, acknowledging the rights of Māori as indigenous people.

Reparation for the unjust handling of Māori came in the class of government policies such every bit the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975 which established the Waitangi Tribunal, an ongoing commission of inquiry investigating treaty claims dating back to 1840 (New Zealand History northward.d.; New Zealand Parliament 2014).

But some acknowledgements took time. It was only in the year of the Christchurch mosque massacres, on 2 October 2019, that the British High Commissioner offered an amends and best-selling the murder of some Māori when Captain Cook first arrived in Aotearoa (Graham-McLay 2019). While some felt this was a progressive diplomatic motility, others argued that the amends rang hollow and was not good plenty (Ngata 2019).

One of Ngata'due south chief objections had to practice with the British administrator's explanation that Captain Melt documented his regret of the murders in a journal and that this admission of wrong 'equips you better …  to look to the time to come and build a partnership' (para. 10). Indeed, the complex mire of historical injustices cannot be solved in a single apology; it needs ongoing dialogue and resolution past consensus. Whatever genuine effort to 'address the wrongs of the past' must invest the time that it will take to exercise so.

The normalisation of Pākehā interests and perceived superiority of their civilization, people and viewpoint is known equally 'white privilege'. It includes a presumption that people of colour are somehow less, whether socio-economically, culturally, intellectually or spiritually, and thus need saving, guidance and control. This credo underscores the dominant culture's attitude towards minority groups in New Zealand, resulting in various forms of bigotry including in the implementation of policies. For example, the Pasifika community suffered the 'dawn raid', an immigration and police crackdown in the 1970s that targeted and deported Pacific Islanders who were overstayers while those of European origin were overlooked (Andrew 2019).

Wilson (2019) argued that the Christchurch terrorist'due south manifesto was an 'ideology of nativism and white supremacy' (para.10). These terms describe the ethnocentric historical origins of bias during colonial times towards European settlers. While they do not characterise European people in general, club must recognise and remain cognisant of the structural discrimination in policymaking and implementation, which has been biased towards 'whiteness'. Wilson (2019) as well warned social commentators, immigration officials and political leaders to be conscious of the extremist credo of nativism and white nationalism, for

Any exaggerations (or outright fabrications) of crimes committed by immigrants, or the supposed threat migration poses to society, quickly becomes fuel for nativist sentiment, legitimises it and motivates people to commit violence. (Wilson 2019, para.ten)

Like other minority groups, Muslims in New Zealand have had to struggle for their place in New Zealand society. There accept been many incidents of abuse and discrimination confronting Muslim women peculiarly, and concerns were raised between 2014 and 2018 past The Islamic Women'southward Quango of New Zealand (IWCNZ) with various government offices, including the Ministry building of Social Development, New Zealand Security Intelligence Service, Department of Internal Affairs in Hamilton and Country Services Commissioner (Rahman 2019a).

The IWCNZ leadership reported that cipher was washed despite their suggested preventive measures and concerns over the growing detest rhetoric, the alt-right group and the local Islamophobic news content such as the fake news on 'Jihadi Brides' (Rahman and Emadi 2018). Not only have Muslims failed to become their concerns addressed in government policies, but their voices were besides underrepresented in New Zealand media (Rahman and Emadi 2018).

Representations of Muslims in New Zealand media

Before the Christchurch attack, Muslims were portrayed disparagingly in New Zealand media (Rahman and Emadi 2018) and this corresponded with the stories told in international media, originating largely from the U.s.. Indeed, Muslims have had a rather troubling relationship with western media. This refers to media groups defined by historical Greek and Roman influences which discriminate against minority groups. The clash of civilisations (Huntington 1996) narratives tended to dominate media. These run into cultures and religions every bit primary sources of conflict.

Fake news on the 'weapons of mass destruction' purportedly hidden by Iraq, a Muslim nation, framed Islam as a religion that supported violence. This was reinforced by 9/11 where US news media coined now standardised terms (Islamicist terrorist) that characterised Islam equally a violent organized religion and Muslims as terrorists. Saddam Hussein and Osama Bin Laden, who were once backed by western powers (Worley 2016; Chossudovsky 2019), moved from allies to enemies.

The rise of 'terror' groups claiming to be Muslims further fuelled depictions of a violent people. Despite sympathisers who see these groups every bit disenfranchised and retaliating against western destruction of their people and properties, the consensus is that there is no excuse for exacting revenge against the innocent and calling for worldwide terror attacks to spread fear and panic. Western media however promoted terror-culture equally mainstream Islam and the clash of culture narratives became staple material. Stories of and nearly Muslims are ofttimes told through western lenses and statements made by 'Muslims' are limited to the disgruntled and calendar-driven people with a violent outlook inside a conflict environment. Still, Neiwert et al. (2017, para.1) reported that a report from 2008 to 2016 on 'homegrown terror' in the U.s.a. showed that 'far correct plots and attacks outnumber Islamist incidents by 2–1'. In his study on counter terrorism, Koehler (2019), noted that far-right violence is under-classified and not treated every bit terrorism, indicating that democratic countries 'are blind on the right side' (p.ane).

In another study involving the journalism industry and educational activity sectors in Commonwealth of australia and New Zealand, Ewart et al. (2016) identified a range of factors for the lack of authentic stories on Muslims and Islam. These were newsroom culture, lack of noesis most the Islamic organized religion and unawareness of the touch of journalistic actions on Muslims in social-political contexts. Stories that nowadays Islam negatively while normalising ignorance of the faith rely on institutionalised 'newsroom culture' that supports a deep-seated psyche of othering. It explains the structural discrimination and continued oppression of Muslims within societies where the dominant culture adopts this mentality.

The Washington Post's study of the Global Terrorism database (Lowery et al. 2018) showed that betwixt 2010 and 2017, correct-fly domestic terrorism attacks in the U.s.a. accounted for the highest number at 92, along with attackers whose motives were not clearly political (92 attacks), compared to 38 attacks by those claiming to exist Muslims. Clearly, when reporting on terrorism, media is focused on drawing attention to violent acts committed past people who identify as Muslims at the expense of white supremacist terrorism.

After the Christchurch attack, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, called for an end to Islamophobia perpetuated by the media. He blamed both Western and Muslim leaders for declining to address misconceptions, calling for an end to terms like 'radical Islam' which is intrinsically contradictory for Muslims (Merelli 2019). Khan called out Muslim leaders for coining terms like 'moderate Muslim' and 'enlightened moderation' to appease the West. Instead, he called for a concerted effort to span the gap of cultural ignorance. For case, Khan illustrated that Muslims and Western societies reacted differently to satire on religion. He cited how a satire about a messiah was considered fair play in the West whereas for Muslims, it is sacrilegious and disrespectful to mock whatever messenger of God.

In their study of media representation of Islam and Muslims, Rahman and Emadi (2018) found that negative stories on Islam had increased annually between 2014 and 2017, with about seven times more stories categorised as 'Islamic terrorism' in 2016. Muslims are perceived as a homogeneous violent grouping and this is compounded past the media'southward negative rhetoric, ascribing simulated meanings to Islamic terms. 'Jihad' and 'Islamic Jihad' were labels used to characterise calls for violent actions rather than its intended usage for the majority of the two billion Muslims who practise not vest to or support terror organisations. In reality, 'jihad' generally refers to the struggle to be the all-time version of oneself in doing good. Eid (2014) noted that

media portrayals tend to promulgate racialized Orientalist stereotypes, create a Muslim enemy Other, and depict Muslims as irrational, uncivilized, astern, threatening, corrupt, oppressive, deviant, exterior to the dominant culture, and uniquely fundamentalist. (p.100)

Overall, Rahman and Emadi (2018) found more than negative, and ambivalent or conflicting representations of Muslims and Islam than at that place were neutral and balanced ones. Visuals also showed articulate patterns of falsification, contradiction and negative representation. The nearly unethical story was the fake 'Jihadi bride' news (Otago Daily Times 2016) with a pic of a masked man in the forefront brandishing a weapon and a flag that had Arabic letters.

Consistent labelling of Islam every bit synonymous with terror creates an environs of mistrust of Muslims and inculcates irrational fearfulness against them. Khan (2016) argued that

The danger of the modern polemical fixation on organized religion as the ultimate crusade of violence is that it does not terminate hatred and violence, but instead contributes to it by creating another monster—namely xenophobia towards members of religious communities. (Khan 2016, para.14)

He noted that it promoted 'a toxic environs of ongoing hostile rhetoric' and recommended that people switch to humanising one another. A brief observation of mainstream news after the Christchurch attacks showed some effort in New Zealand media to humanise victims. Whether these positive media representations of the Muslim identity will be sustained remains to be seen.

The normalisation of Islam and Muslims equally a subversive forcefulness is a dangerous lie that can initiate and sustain hatred in communities who rely on media for noesis and information. The killing of 51 peaceful worshippers and the injury to many others are pitiful reminders of one person'south ideology of supremacism, intolerance, and consuming hatred built-in out of misconceptions reinforced by the media.

A White Supremacist Attack on Muslims in New Zealand

During Friday prayers on xv March 2019, a gunman attacked worshippers in Al Noor and Linwood mosques in the city of Christchurch, New Zealand, maiming dozens and killing a total of 51 people including women and children. As shock rocked the country with a diverse ethnic population (Rahman and Dark-brown 2017), media began to tell the stories every bit they unfolded. There were many voices of grief, disbelief and anger but mostly compassion and a resolve past the Kiwi nation that 'this is non us' and that any hate talk that encouraged threat and violence must stop.

TV media had special screenings of the aftermath as various customs groups and people of all backgrounds gathered to pay their tributes to the victims and their families. New Zealand banned the live-streamed video of the massacres from apportionment. As mosques around the country were guarded by law to safeguard Muslims from further attacks, the people of Aotearoa launched a site to raise funds for the victims and testify solidarity with movements such equally 'Headscarf for Harmony' (Feek 2019). Within a week, more than NZ$10 million was raised for the victims with the regime pledging to support their families (Kenny 2019).

Indeed, the people of New Zealand responded with shared humanity after the Christchurch assault. New Zealand media did live coverages of the crunch while maintaining no coverage of the terrorist, his manifesto or his background. The focus was entirely on the victims and their stories of grief and backbone. The Prime Minister of New Zealand, Jacinda Arden, had taken the lead by refusing to give the terrorist recognition, stating that he will remain nameless when she spoke of the tragedy (Wahlquist 2019). Arden's firsthand reference to the act as 'terrorism' too exonerated Muslims from the unfair shackles of the characterization.

By the reactions of international media, New Zealand leadership was exceptional in showing empathy, grief, love and respect for the Muslim people. Muslims worldwide must accept been confused and touched by the outpouring of kindness, a feature of news that is not commonly continued with Muslims. Arden'southward first public response to the pain and suffering of those afflicted was palpable on the forepart pages of international tabloids. She represented the iconic image of New Zealand's empathy, love and pity. Political pundits, critics and social commentators praised Arden for her 'swift strong leadership' (Fitfield 2019).

When Australian Senator Fraser Anning tried to link violence with Muslim immigration, Arden chosen information technology 'a disgrace' and in response to Trump's offer of help, Arden was reported to have said what was needed at this time was 'sympathy and beloved for all Muslim communities.' (Jacinda Ardern is redefining leadership in an age of terror 2019, para.ii). Arden's steely reserve in refusing to admit the terrorist, calling the deed 'terrorism', and her immediate delivery to review gun laws were decisive actions that endeared her to the local and international Muslim communities. Her symbolic gesture of wearing a headscarf was an human activity of solidarity with the Muslim people whose identity had been dehumanised as worthless and disposable. Arden's actions, which represented the Kiwi way, humanised the pain of Muslims.

Perhaps the best tribute that captured the overall gratitude of Muslims is the tweet message from Sheik Mohammed, the prime number minister and vice-president of the UAE, and ruler of the emirate of Dubai:

New Zealand today barbarous silent in honour of the mosque attacks' martyrs. Cheers PM @jacindaardern and New Zealand for your sincere empathy and support that has won the respect of 1.5 billion Muslims after the terrorist attack that shook the Muslim community around the world. moving picture.twitter.com/9LDvH0ybhD

With the message was a lit-up image of Arden in a headscarf, embracing a woman at the Kilbirnie mosque in Wellington, on the 829-metre Burj Khalifa, the earth's tallest building, accompanied by the discussion 'salam' in Arabic, meaning 'peace' (MacManus 2019).

While international adoration for New Zealand leadership meant that the eyes of the world were on the state, immediate reactions on the ground were focused on ensuring national unity, protection and support of the New Zealand Muslim community. But the difficult question is how the assail could happen in a country known for its Kiwi hospitality, and a lodge that is inclusive and values diversity (New Zealand Ministry building of Foreign Affairs and Merchandise 2018). The reply has to do with appearance and reality. Outwardly, at that place has been full general talk and show of including minorities but, the media and government have historically marginalised Muslims. The negative media misrepresentations of Islam and Muslims internationally and locally, and the government's apparent full general lack of support for the reported abuse of Muslims prior to the Christchurch attacks accept a part to play in the tragedy.

It is necessary to highlight how the Christchurch tragedy was undermined by unbalanced reporting of the Easter bombings in Sri Lanka by extremists who identified as Muslims. On the dorsum of the Christchurch tragedy, suicide bombings in Sri Lanka on 21 Apr 2019 killed more than 350 people, largely Christian worshippers on Easter Friday. This was attributed to 'brainwashed' members of a Muslim family, which unfortunately strengthened the idea of Muslims being a danger to civil society. Reports indicated that the bombings were a retaliation for the Christchurch mosque massacre.

Interestingly, several Muslim groups had warned the Sri Lankan government about the hate rhetoric and extreme ideology of the terrorists, only no deportment were taken. Innocent Muslims became the target of angry mobs, causing further death and destruction (Safi 2019). Media and governments have a responsibility to written report fairly, appoint in dialogue, and invest in preventive measures to address and eradicate all forms of extremism.

Rationale and methodology

While there is inquiry on news representations of Muslims internationally and in New Zealand specifically (Eid 2014; Ewart et al. 2016; Rahman and Emadi 2018), the studies are largely based on news gathered from a variety of media outlets rather than news disseminated from social media specifically. To tap into this area of news content broadcasting about Muslims, this work focuses on one Muslim researcher's social media newsfeeds, namely via Twitter and Facebook.

Limitations in this approach may exist that information analytics about users tend to push item news stories via social media. Also, the circumvolve of networks might have an Influence on the types of news received. Regardless, with social media playing a major part in disseminating news through networked communities, the Muslim identity is constantly shaped, questioned and adult. This piece of work presents some aspects of the Muslim identity via social media news content.

News stories that relate to Islam and the Muslim identity subsequently the Christchurch attack were selected from this researcher'south social media news feeds between March 15 and August 23, 2019. While in that location were many that appeared on both Facebook and Twitter newsfeeds, shared by the wider network of friends and the media's own social media presence, the contents of many stories were often the same or like, particularly news on the charges against the terrorist and the ongoing state of affairs with the victims and their families.

Out of the 23 stories collected, 12 news stories either mentioned the Christchurch tragedy or addressed some attribute of the Muslim person'southward identity. The articles are listed in the table below, indicating their dates of publication and their media/author.

The analysis section employs methods with Islamic underpinnings as inquiry showed an absence of Islamic theories in media enquiry about Muslims (Rahman and Emadi 2018). Ahmed and Matthes (2017) noted that 'even media studies on Islam tended to have an Anglo-axial focus, giving attention to Western media, Western journalism and applying Western means of interpreting and knowing' (p. 169).

The theory of Ta'will (Emadi 2014) was used to explicate the visual content. Ta'will is an Standard arabic term and the theory was conceived by Mulla Sadra, a Shia Muslim, whose philosophy was influenced by the Farsi philosophers Ali Ibn Sina (980–1037 CE) and Shahāb advertizement-Dīn Suhrawardī (11541191). Essentially, the term means 'bringing back to the root' through intensification and estimation. Briefly, the theory is concerned with searching for the truth when interpreting meaning in messages. Because perception through sensory experience tin can be limiting and presents fragmented agreement, the interpreter is encouraged to question, to doubtfulness the apparent and expect for hidden meaning.

Ultimately, at the centre of all entities is the divine and theoretically, one can observe the divine through perfection in agreement. Since complete knowledge belongs to the divine, knowledge for mortals becomes a journey of finding, uncovering and seeking pregnant. Ta'will requires a holistic approach that considers the emotional, social and spiritual meanings of visual content. These include the purpose of the visuals, the effects of the symbols used, the emotional and spiritual do good or disadvantage to those affected by the content, and what it says about club.

The theory of dialogue and persuasion from the Islamic perspective (Rahman 2016) is used to analyse the textual content. Unlike traditional western understanding, dialogue and persuasion are not mutually exclusive and both are upstanding in Islam. Persuasion sits within the dialogic framework as both dialogue and persuasion do non have preconceived objectives.

In Islam, persuasion is non about winning an argument but about sharing a point of view with conviction and clear evidence. The thought relies on the Islamic missionary purpose to share the message of ane God and the final messenger, without whatever expectation of conversion since God, non man, is 'the turner of hearts'.

Homo advice follows a dialogic procedure of turn-taking, listening and understanding. Applying this to the text assay of news stories, the author's representation of the Muslim and understanding of the reported situation were assessed. Persuasive elements were also identified to decide their purpose. Is persuasion used to present only ane side of an statement or create agreement? Were Muslims included for their views in stories most them? Did these stories promote opinions that were factually presented? What purpose did the story achieve and who would it benefit?

Content analysis and discussion of news stories from social media news feeds

Using the Islamic communication theories of Ta'will and Islamic dialogue and persuasion, the textual and visual contents of twelve news stories were analysed for their contribution to the Muslim person's identity. Where relevant, intercultural communication concepts are applied including ethnocentrism, white privilege, structural racism, structural discrimination and systemic oppression.

Ethnocentrism refers to the assessment of other cultures based on one's own cultural standards, customs and values while structural racism refers to means in which the history and civilization of a society continue to grant privileges to the dominant civilization, while withholding like benefits from minority groups. Racial inequity is perpetuated through representations of culture and implementation of policies that benefit the dominant group.

The twelve stories tin exist grouped into iv broad themes, identified in brackets by the numbered articles from Table i:

  1. Muslim women and hijab (articles half dozen and 12)

  2. Religion and terrorism (manufactures 4, eight and 10)

  3. Media, government, democracy and the politics of oppression (articles 1, ii, ix and 11)

  4. Representation of the Muslim voice (articles 3, v and 7)

    Table ane. Tabular array of news stories via social media Facebook and Twitter feeds.

Each theme includes textual and visual analyses with integrated discussion of the findings.

Muslim women and hijab Textual Analysis: Articles 6 and 12

The association of hijab (a form of head covering worn past Muslim women in public) with the Muslim woman is something that is taken for granted. For Muslims, the hijab is unequivocally the dress code of a woman who identifies with modest dressing and closeness to God, the hijab being besides the garb of prayer.

In article 6, women in New Zealand were encouraged to wear the headscarf to prove support for Muslim women. 2 people were interviewed; a non-Muslim female person who was the organiser of the event and a Muslim male scholar. No comments were elicited from Muslim women. The article fabricated a signal of quoting the organiser who claimed that she had the back up of her Muslim friend, the Islamic Women's Quango of New Zealand and the Muslim Clan of New Zealand. However, no bodily persons from these organisations were cited.

The commodity quoted a male Islamic studies scholar who expressed his support for the event as 'it's not insulting to Muslim women' and 'it's a way of showing solidarity'. Ironically, the objections past some non-Muslim groups about 'wearing a symbol of oppression and discrimination' (Feek 2019) are in themselves oppressive and discriminatory as most Muslim women wearable the scarf past option. In response to these objections, the male Muslim scholar pointed out that historically, 'rubber and modesty' were the master reasons scarves were worn by Muslim women, and that the campaign to wear the scarf was entirely voluntary.

The voice of the Muslim adult female is missing. She is referenced through a 3rd party and her situation is defended by a man from her community, albeit a scholar. A function of this article focused on the feel-skilful homo bending of news story, which is the organiser's reason for the initiative. The organiser, a non-Muslim female, was saddened past the confession of a hijab-wearing Muslim lady on telly that she was afraid to leave her domicile.

The report gave a somewhat balanced account of reactions to the campaign by including the views of a Muslim man and non-Muslim women. However, the Muslim woman's vox is represented past third party claims, undermining her importance.

While no Muslim women's view was represented in the article, as information technology turns out, some Muslim women also objected to the initiative in other news stories. The news however did non announced on this researcher's social media newsfeed. It was accessed through an intentional search for Muslim women's views about 'headscarf for harmony'. This demonstrated social media'southward potential to limit specific news.

One objection to the 'Headscarf for harmony' initiative is cultural misappropriation. The argument is against tokenism equally headscarves are a sacred part of the Muslim woman's apparel code. Non-Muslims wearing them as a costume to brand Muslims feel 'similar one of them' supports the ideology of the 'saviour mentality', which borders on white supremacy (Headscarves movement means well but it is "cheap tokenism" 2019).

Another objection is that not all Muslim women wear the hijab in public. The entrada would marginalise this group and impose the scarf as wear that defined the female Muslim identity (Malik 2019; Shakir 2019). Malik argued that since the Quran did not specifically mention hijab, just modest dressing, the selection for Muslim women 'is therefore not whether to not veil, rather the choice is to veil' (Malik 2019 para. v). She blamed western media's obsession with the veiled female Muslim every bit a product of Orientalism, an old construct of western thought to create marked differences between Muslim and western practices. She highlighted how perception of the female Muslim has transformed over time according to what negative values were prescribed for the Oriental female.

Ethnocentrism is apparent as the Muslim women'southward identity is subjected to changing western standards and values. Malik (2019) noted that traditionally, 'Muslim women were depicted as sexually agile and exotic, when Western women were meant to be demure and pious' merely 'now Western women are meant to be liberated and sexually free, [while] Muslim women are portrayed as repressed and ignorant' (para. xi). With an overemphasis in the media and society on the hijab being a negative representation of the female person Muslim, veiled women have borne the brunt of Islamophobia, with threescore% of attacks reported in London between July 2014 and July 2015 (Malik 2019, para. 12).

Indeed, Muslim women have varied practices concerning the hijab. Some scholars would argue that the Quran does mention headcover ' … identify their khumur over their bosoms' (Quran, 24:thirty). 'Khumur' (the plural of khimar) refers to a cloth that covered the caput, which was extended to cover the bosom. While the office of the hijab as part of the female Muslim identity is widely recognised, Muslim women are non homogeneous in their dress code. They differ in their interpretation of modest dressing and the meaning of the hijab in the practice of their religion.

In article 12, a Muslim teenager was bullied for her hijab when the teen's classmates turned on her with the 'terrorist' label and excluded her from groups (The Project 2019). There is an apparent lack of dialogue in the story as the report fell short of saying what was washed to counter such negative perceptions at school. Instead, it focused on the teen's social entrepreneurship as an outcome of bullying. The bullied teen had launched a hijab-wearing soft toy called 'Izzy' with the bulletin that 'We habiliment what we habiliment, and we should be accustomed for what we clothing' (para.10).

The bullied teen represents the reality of young Muslim females. Her social rejection is deeply entrenched in Western psyche which has had a history of othering Oriental females. While the story focused on the experience-skilful outcome of the teen's negative experience, there is no inclusion of other Muslim voices or stance leaders that tin can address social injustice and accountability. The tone appeared to credit bullying for the teen's determination and positive outlook: ' … it [bullying] too gave her the inspiration to fight that discrimination'.

Society was non held to account that the teen was denied a safe learning space. The article simply glossed over her shredded identity with the statement: 'Fast forward half dozen years, and she's become one of the state'due south youngest social entrepreneurs'.

Visual Analysis

The ''Headscarf for Harmony'' article showed a scene of flowers and cards outside a gated expanse and a lone figure of a woman in hijab observing the tributes left by many (Effigy ane). It highlights the visibility of the headscarf as a marker of the Muslim religion and the vulnerability of the female person Muslims as walking targets for people with hate problems against them. The flowers and tributes effectually her demonstrate society's back up. This movie is accompanied by the words 'An Auckland University Islamic scholar says he's proud of the initiative and believes Muslim women in New Zealand would be too.' It is interesting to notation the pick of quote from a male Muslim rather than that of a female person. In fact, no Muslim women were interviewed for their views in this report.

Figure 1. The image shows a solitary effigy of a woman in hijab.

Article 12 on the bullied Muslim teenager showed a soft toy that the victim of bullying fabricated (Figure 2). While the teen appeared in a video clip on the news site, the article get-go displayed a film of her pale-skinned doll. Below the visual are the words 'The Muslim headscarf, or hijab, is probably ane of the most misunderstood apparel women clothing.' However, the image of an inanimate representation of the Muslim women somewhat minimises her humanity.

Effigy two. This picture shows 'Izzy', the headscarf-wearing doll created by a youth who was bullied at school for wearing a headscarf.

In both stories, the Muslim woman appeared to be viewed with empathy. She appeared to be supported but not personally cited (article six). When she is cited, her problems as a victim are not addressed (article 12). Overall, in that location is something insincere most her treatment. She is talked most, pitied and applauded for overcoming the abuse of her identity.

Religion and terrorism Textual Analysis: Manufactures 4, 8 and 10

In article 4, Douglas Pratt, Professor of theological and religious studies at the Academy of Auckland, suggested that 'the Christchurch terror attacks were a form of 'Christian terrorism' and white supremacy' (Christchurch attacks were a form of 'Christian terrorism', besides every bit racial hatred, says organized religion expert 2019, para. ane). Pratt described Christian extremism equally an credo that starts with a belief system which becomes ambitious and an imposition on others. Pratt elaborated that while terrorism had been focused on Islam, Christianity could be equally dangerous with 'a similar kind of dynamic going on within the wider Christian world, specially with links to the alt-right, and highly bourgeois Christianity that is antithetical towards Islam' (para.7).

Citing the 2011 terror attacks by Anders Breivik in Norway that killed 77 people, Pratt pointed out that the agenda 'to stir the white race against the invaders' corresponded with the attack in Christchurch which sought to 'stir upwards race hatred premised on a item worldview that buys into a certain Christian estimation' (para.12). While this written report fairly reflected one person'south viewpoint, it lacked representation from the religious groups defendant of inherent ideas that could lead to extremism.

The article is a cautionary narrative on all forms of organized religion that can be subject to individual interpretations. As a news story, it lacked a counterbalanced argument. It dangerously points to faith as a crusade for unrest rather than the troubled personalities that used the concept of a creator to further their ain agenda.

Interestingly, the article 'Terrorists are not religious extremists' (article 8) is a counter argument to Pratt'south warning about extremism in religion. Suleiman (2019) challenged the premise that there is something inherently violent in all religions with the focus on the perpetrators themselves. Suleiman (2019) explained that mainstream Muslims, including religious scholars like himself, have been targets of extremists who claim to be Muslims, noting that extremists use organized religion to fuel their ain agendas. He proposed that society must respond by denying them legitimacy and terminate the divisive talk they accept created against a faith they claim to belong to:

We must deny them all their names, their goals, and their claims to legitimacy. The extremists in Myanmar that are conveying out a genocide against Rohingya Muslims are not Buddhist extremists. The extremists here in the United States that terrorize synagogues, mosques and blackness churches are not Christian extremists. The extremists that terrorized Sri Lankan Christians in their churches and people of diverse backgrounds in hotels this Easter Sunday are not Muslim extremists. All of the higher up are merely terrorist scum. (Suleiman 2019, para.ten)

Conspicuously, what differentiates the victims from the offenders is the propensity for violence. Transferring blame to a higher power is to disbelieve personal responsibility for the action. This statement resonates with peace-loving people of faith and contributes to a positive self-identity.

Suleiman (2019) also noted that western media, particularly American, is responsible for negatively politicising Islam as a religion of terror. He pointed out that terrorist attacks committed by Muslims receive 357% more US press coverage than those committed by non-Muslims, according to researchers from the University of Alabama (Suleiman 2019). He also argued that organized religion had naught to do with terrorism and that those who deem terrorist groups as 'Islamic',

brand it harder for …  Muslim scholars to address these degenerates for what they are: outcast criminals. They take no claim to our text. They accept no authority in our midst (para.1).

For people of faith who run into the incompatibility between religion and terrorism, this statement by a religious scholar is cocky-affirming and contributes to a positive religious identity.

In article 10, a Muslim teen who was bedevilled for the 2017 Christchurch terror plot had planned to ram a vehicle into a group a people. Touched by the nation's show of solidarity with Muslims in the Christchurch tragedy, the teen felt ashamed of his misplaced hatred and promised that he would 'never go back to extremist thinking or ideologies. All it does is cause, grief, anger and sadness' (Bayer 2019, para.20).

This study kept a neutral tone in reporting the court procedures although the story presented a human angle of regret and remorse. Information technology explained that 'the teen had been radicalised online' but vicious short of explaining how long surveillance lasted before the teen was caught, and what government are doing about such radicalisation.

The story is a warning that radicalisation happens when moral education, nurturing and monitoring are absent. The teen was said to be emotional, had boredom and acrimony issues and had viewed pornography. This is hardly a religious youth of whatever religion. To label his vehement tendency as 'religious extremism' because he wanted to perform a violent deed 'for Allah' is nonsensical. This is clearly a youth with multiple issues seeking attention and recognition from the radical group that he was said to have been influenced by.

Visual Analysis

The news that distanced religion from terrorism showed a picture of school children carrying letters of support for the victims of the Sri Lankan blasts on April 21, 2019. The caption stated that the children were 'Pakistani Christian and Muslim students'. They depicted solidarity and shared values of empathy and a peaceful outlook. The image supports the narrative that religion has zippo to practice with terrorism (Effigy 3).

Effigy 3. Children from Christian and Muslim backgrounds in Pakistan unite to testify back up for victims of the Sri Lankan blasts on Apr 21, 2019.

The news virtually the Muslim teen who planned a terror plot had the image of some flowers tucked between police ''emergency'' banners around a tree trunk (Effigy 4). These flowers signified community support and a sense of loss. The image is clearly symbolic as the teen had non carried out the attack. Information technology served to capture the grief of devastation and lives lost in an attack. It also symbolised the gratitude for the support that Muslims received in the aftermath of the terror attack in Christchurch.

Figure 4. This picture illustrates grief and tragedy with the police 'emergency' banner and flowers to show empathy.

Overall, the visuals capture some aspect of the news story. The news contents are either pro- or anti-faith to some extent. They demonstrate how religion can be misapplied and blamed for grouping tendencies towards violence.

Media, government, democracy and the politics of oppression Textual Analysis: Articles one, 2, ix and 11

Australian Senator Fraser Anning's statement (article one) that New Zealand'south clearing policy allowed Muslims into the state and was responsible for the terror attacks is a clear example of structural bigotry. While he reportedly condemned vigilante violence, he excused it as a reaction created by growing fears of increasing Muslim presence, indicating that Muslims are substantially the problem. He labelled left-wing politicians' call for gun constabulary reviews 'nonsense' and blamed 'the real cause of bloodshed' on NZ'due south immigration programme since 'Muslim fanatics can enter New Zealand'. It is unclear which fanatics the senator was referring to since Muslims were at the receiving terminate of the weapon. The commodity also highlighted that the PM of Australia, Scott Morrison, called the senator's comments 'disgusting'. TVNZ's report is cursory, factual and counterbalanced, capturing the differences of opinion in the political bureaucracy.

Senator Anning'south reaction is far from surprising every bit Australian media has long been responsible for a concerted attack on Islam. In a 2017 report on five of Rupert Murdoch'south newspapers, 31% of their largely negative and divisive opinion pieces past half dozen of their well-nigh controversial commentators were devoted to Islam (OnePath Network 2017). This asymmetric negative media reinforcement of the Muslim identity as alien and unwelcome informed audiences to take a flawed assumption of all Muslims by and large.

In an unprecedented testify of social justice, The Media Freedom Committee in New Zealand agreed on the protocol (article 9) for roofing the mosque terror attack trial (Pacific Media Sentry 2019). The agreed list of guiding practices past TVNZ, Stuff, Mediaworks, NZME, and RNZ showed a concerted effort to deny the alt-right movement a platform to publicise their ideology and hate rhetoric.

Measures were based on the media's intention to cover the trial 'comprehensively and responsibly'. Detailed principles included an undertaking to simply transport experienced personnel and to pixelate any undesirable symbols and gestures used past the accused during the trial. Different the Australian printing, New Zealand media have rallied around Muslims in the aftermath of the Christchurch set on to show solidarity and back up. The protocol for press coverage demonstrates a clear social conscience.

Ii of the articles (2 and xi) were written past a Muslim woman about her experiences of structural discrimination and systemic oppression, even equally she served equally a representative and spokesperson of her customs (IWCNZ). She exposed how regime departments did not follow up on the customs's concerns of abuse and their pleas over the last five years prior to the attack in Christchurch. And the aforementioned writer stood upward to hate speech and systemic oppression by declining debates with white supremacists while pointing out the audacity of those who expect people of colour to defend their humanity (Rahman 2019a). Muslims who suffer similar abuse would identify with this reality and recognise that detest rhetoric, when unchecked and encouraged, would event in flawed thinking and irrational acts.

The tone in the article 'Islamic Women's Council repeatedly lobbied to stalk discrimination' (article two) was one of frustration, disappointment and despair. It illustrated the marginalisation of Muslim women when their safety problems were ignored. It exposed a class of structural discrimination and systemic oppression through the problem of disengaged politicians. It recounted how the leadership of the Islamic Women'southward Council of New Zealand (IWCNZ) had lobbied their concerns regarding the alt-correct groups and the abuse that their members experienced (Rahman 2019a). Despite meetings with iv separate government departments several years before the Christchurch tragedy, there was no follow-up action. The commodity then launched into the issue of not-action and highlighted the victims of the tragedy.

The article 'Thanks for the offering but I'd rather non debate my ain humanity' (article 11) spoke of being seen but not heard. The tone is believing and defensive with an undercurrent of pain, sadness and hopelessness. As a minority, Rahman (2019b) had felt accepted when she was invited to the Hamilton Press Guild, along with several people of colour. The gathering progressed into a rather uncomfortable state of affairs when the host chided the audience for their 'lack of willingness to listen to the two Canadian provocateurs who visited New Zealand last year' (para.five). Rahman (2019b) sarcastically reflected that she, along with other people of color, should have listened to

 …  2 professional attending-seekers abuse us and and then given them the dignity of a response, for the purposes of "argue" …  as if my humanity is a thing of debate. As if my life isn't already filled with people talking to me or treating me as if I am less than [them] (para.6)

She presented how ridiculous an statement it was to think that 'the solution to marginalisation is to expect marginalised people to contend those who openly do hate confronting us'. She rallied against the expectation that people of color should somehow 'withstand structural and institutional racism along with the casual barbs of prejudice and discrimination' and non be 'too soft, too easily offended, too intolerant fifty-fifty. As if we're the ones who need our minds opened' (Rahman 2019b, para. 7).

The blatant condone for the dignity of people of colour demonstrates systemic oppression. The host had used the free oral communication argument in a democratic system to support his viewpoint which Rahman (2019b) noted unremarkably applied to those who have racist rhetoric. In fact, she noted that research showed that 'free spoken language arguments were almost ever used to defend racist or homophobic speech' (para.10). The article also paid tribute to Māori as indigenous people and gave an historical account of the Maori experience with racism and discrimination. It highlighted the atrocities and systemic oppression against Māori and praised Māori 's tenacity, perseverance and patience in the face of corruption and obstacles.

Rahman (2019b) reflected with some sadness that minority groups hardly got media time to talk almost other rights (the correct to safety, the right to freedom from discrimination, the right to practice one's religious beliefs or to not have a religious belief) as the focus of debates tended to be diverted to the correct to costless speech. She noted that the 51 lives lost in the Christchurch tragedy is a culmination of mean sentiments: 'actual impacts of beingness a target of detest voice communication, the target of an organised campaign to diminish and demean based on identity' (Rahman 2019b, para. 18–19). Overall, the author's feel indicates that white privilege, systemic oppression and structural racism and bigotry are entrenched fifty-fifty in well-meaning inclusive grouping gatherings. There is the blind spot of cultural insensitivity when minorities are expected to listen to an advantaged group criticise their civilization and identity as entertainment.

Visual Analysis

There is an image of the prime number government minister in dark wearable and a headscarf 'comforting a adult female at the Kilbirnie mosque in Wellington' (Effigy 5). In the background, there are flowers hung on fences and people paying their respects. The presence of diverse people, garlands by the gate and a police vehicle collectively symbolise a united and empathetic guild lending aid and protection to Muslims.

Figure 5. The prime minister in night article of clothing and a headscarf is seen 'comforting a adult female at the Kilbirnie mosque in Wellington.'

The New Zealand coat of arms accompanied the news about the media protocol at the trial. The icon is meaningful as it reflects New Zealand'southward unique history as a bicultural nation and symbolises the inclusive nature of New Zealand society.

An prototype in the news study about free speech showed a screen shot of a tweet from Flavia Dzodan, a social critic of racism, colonialism and politics. Dzodan had tweeted that being present to discuss who deserved access to rights and protection, meant that people were legitimising such an thought past giving it consideration. She reiterated that debates did not alter minds but that 'listening, reading, reflecting and learning' did (Figure half dozen). Rahman (2019b) had provided this statement equally a reason for failing debates with groups that questioned the rights of others with hate rhetoric.

Effigy 6. The tweet past Flavia Dzodan.

Representation of the Muslim vox Textual Assay: Articles 3, five and 7

Several articles demonstrated the presence of the Muslim vocalism, including articles 2 and 11 from the previous section when news media (Radio New Zealand and The Spinoff) published stories written by Muslims about their own experiences. Dissimilar media stories earlier the Christchurch attacks, where representation was dominated past interpretation and manipulation (Rahman and Emadi 2018), these stories showed fair representation. There are signs of dialogic communication when the interviewer posed questions, listened to and presented the Muslim respondent'due south answers in their entirety (video segment of article five).

In this section, the 3 stories displayed unusual forcefulness, patience, kindness and forgiving natures of the family of the victims. One of the stories (article three) showed a video interview of a disabled widower, Farid Ahmed, who said he forgave the terrorist who killed his married woman and that he had dearest, rather than hate, for the man (Mead 2019). Ahmed reflected that the terrorist may be a troubled person with his own trauma issues. Appearing calm and speaking in a deliberate way, Ahmed credited his wife's kind nature and said she would have wanted him to be forgiving. The reporter concluded the segment by describing the role that Ahmed played in helping his community bargain with loss and airtight with a final goodwill message from Ahmed: 'If someone is mean to you, remember to be kind to them.'

Another news story (article five) showed similar strength, resilience and patience. Information technology was a video interview of a woman, Ambreen Naeem, who had lost both her son and husband. Her tone and demeanour exuded calmness and peace. She also appeared reflective and thoughtful when asked nearly her late husband and son. When asked what she thought inspired her husband to be a hero, her response was measured and meaningful.

I know that he was a brave man, very helpful, very loving …  so …  beloved can make you practice that. What he did …  he tried to save people'due south lives because he was loving. (The Project NZ, March 20, 2019)

Naeem continued past sharing some core aspects of Islam: 'My son and husband, they gave up their lives to relieve other people and this is what Allah wants from united states. It's a religion of peace and love.' She even showed pity on the terrorist: 'I experience compassion for him that he did not take love in his heart  …  he had hate, and he tin't feel the contentment and peace that nosotros can.' In this and the previous response to tragedy, the Muslim personalities revealed strength of grapheme under a situation where fear, anger and probable vengeful hatred would normally dominion.

I question posed by the interviewer was somewhat limiting, requiring the responder to force-fit her response. The interviewer had asked what kept the widow potent, 'apart from your religion'. The clause 'apart from your faith'' typically discounts religion as a meaning element for coping with grief. It seems a rather unusual question since the Muslim woman was expected to come up with another answer rather than her religion, specially at a time of loss, when it is clearly a prominent attribute of her identity.

Naeem idea nearly the question momentarily before responding with conviction:

I recall that's the only thing. That'south the main affair. I experience deplorable for that terrorist. Aye, I experience pity for him … that he didn't have love in his heart, he had hate. And he can't feel the delectation, the peace, which we tin. (The Project NZ, March 20, 2019)

Clearly, Naeem refused to play past the interviewer's dominion volume, choosing instead to bring her faith back into focus. The interviewer's question showed a want to control the responses by denying the expression of organized religion and demonstrated a level of unconscious systemic oppression. It requires Naeem to exclude an aspect of her identity.

Instead, Naeem showed unflappable demeanour, strength and fortitude as she portrayed Islam in her words and actions, modelling the faith in a way seldom seen in mainstream media. This was farther exemplified in her response to the question if she would ever return to a mosque soon.

Yeah, that'south the affair that I have learnt from this. Nothing tin stop me. It just has made me stronger. And this is non just me. I've heard from my other sisters. Information technology has just fabricated us stronger. (The Project NZ 2019)

In a separate video interview (article vii), a widow, Salwa Mohamad, and her teenage son, Zaid Mustafa, spoke of the shock of losing their husband and father respectively. Mustafa said that he would have traded lives with his father if he could. The selfless expression of beloved for a parent is relatable and draws the viewer to the humanity of his experience. Mohamed showed courage and resilience when she sent a message to the terrorist and his supporters that he had not succeeded in destroying them. Nearly poignantly, Mohamad summed up the irony and injustice of the tragedy:

People say that Islam is [a] terrorist faith, or Muslims are terrorists, and at present the whole world saw who was the terrorist. (Lewis 2019, para. 3)

There is a general feeling of victimisation and vindication in this argument. In some sense, she is mirroring the thought of all Muslims who accept ever felt wronged by the media's fake labels. Negative publicity of the Muslim identity has been a regular news feature since 9/11 and Muslims have been made to feel sad and apologise for actions foreign to their religion. The Christchurch media coverage has given Muslims a voice and the public space to be heard, to show their pain, suffering and humanity. Generally, it showed the earth only what Islam actually teaches: patience, forgiveness, strength and resilience.

Visual Analysis

The video clip in article 7 is accompanied by seven pictures. 2 of them were the ii family members who had been killed. Three images showed the surviving brother in a wheelchair talking to the media, attention his brother's funeral and crying, as his mother looked on. Ane image showed the mother's clasped hand as she faced the media, and some other showed the mother in tears. These commonage images show the human being angle of a tragedy that would resonate with audiences as they capture acutely personal and emotional scenes.

At the end of article 7 on the stuff.co.nz site, there is a simple image of a yellow banner with a candle and the words 'To our Muslim whanau, this is your home. You are us. Kia Kaha'. This is a message of inclusion and solidarity. 'Whanau', the Maori give-and-take for 'family' means blood relations while 'Kia Kaha' means to 'stay strong'. The message implies dearest, support and deep connectedness. This show of support from a media site is unusual and characterises the nature of New Zealand's national civilization. It is inclusive and values diverseness.

These stories fairly represented the Muslim perspective. The iii articles showed the faces and opinions of the Muslim victims as they heavily credited their faith for their patience, force, honey and forgiving natures. Earlier articles also included Muslim narratives to reflect experiences from the horse's mouth. The media is also shown to back up Muslims in stuff.co.nz's public banner. Overall, these inclusions are empowering as they support a positive Muslim identity.

Conclusion

Until the Christchurch terror attack, news stories on Islam and Muslims in the New Zealand media tended to follow Western news agenda. Muslims were represented every bit an entity driven by hate and devastation. The Muslim identity was not only constantly questioned and targeted merely substantially manipulated and defined by those who had no empathy for or knowledge of the organized religion and its diverse people.

Contents of news media inform the Muslim identity. News on social media feeds are regular and repetitive, with algorithms that send topical and preferred stories shared by social links. Although this tin limit the type of news received, reinforced negative media depictions tin incite hatred confronting Muslims and crusade identity issues. Social rejection can also cause isolation and resentment.

For Muslims to truly be a office of gild, advice needs genuine dialogue and understanding with regime and media, and not token acts of care, providing no assistance or having an agenda to control. But there is no hazard of a dialogue if the Muslim vocalization is absent or misrepresented in the media, as was the case before the Christchurch tragedy.

In New Zealand, media has certainly stepped up to responsibly present the Muslim identity. Stories on Muslims after the set on had substantial content from the human angle, depicting peace, love and forgiveness. Several media brands published stories past Muslim women about their own experiences, signalling a pause from controlling agendas. New Zealand press besides made a pact not to provide infinite for hate rhetoric. From the inclusion of Muslims' voices in news stories to the 'You are us. Kia Kaha' banner, New Zealand media have gear up themselves apart from the normative and culturally insensitive 'newsroom civilization'.

Overall, there is a significant shift from the negative othering rhetoric of international media to an inclusive national arroyo in the tone of the New Zealand press. However, there is evidence that the female person Muslim is still marginalised and typecast as oppressed and pitiful. It appears to be a cruel circumvolve as even stories that Muslim women write marshal to this treatment of systemic oppression past government and hate groups. Unless treatment of her changes socio-politically, this will define her identity.

Media and government hold the power of fair representations of the people and equitable practices . As champions of democracy, they are responsible for checking disinterestedness imbalances, implementing measures to help disadvantaged groups and securing the rubber of all. While media has stepped up to provide a platform for the Muslim narrative, the authorities has yet to address the Muslim women's concerns over abuse from detest groups. The Prime Minister had shown great promise of empathy and support during the crisis. Whether this would translate into concrete actions as posed by the IWCNZ remains to be seen.

Muslims need to reclaim their identity, mend their reputation, and have back the pregnant of Islamic terms falsely linked to evil acts. As Muslims are made up of diverse communities, they should found links with one another to foster social awareness and share collective representation of issues. They should engage with government, media and communities of other faiths to foster agreement and initiate positive knowledge-sharing outreach programmes since organized religion by and large has been blamed for a blazon of extremism.

A more comprehensive study of media narratives is recommended to highlight other identity and social problems affecting Muslims. Information technology would also be helpful to know how the majority of Muslims in New Zealand feel about their identity and identify in gild. While news narratives go along to carve up and unite people depending on the press calendar, their depictions of Islam and Muslims take potentially major influences and serious consequences on the Muslim person'southward identity within the local and global Muslim communities.

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Source: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1177083X.2020.1747503

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